When evaluating the theory of John Maynard Keynes in the context of current monetary and fiscal policies in the United States, Austrians are quick to bash Keynes and blame his theory for most of the mess we are in today. I find myself engaging in this kind of general accusation all too frequently. But, while I think some of these accusations are well deserved by Keynes himself, a lot of the blame lies elsewhere. Let me explain.
There are undoubtedly massive problems with Keynesianism. Fundamental issues such as the broken window fallacy, the assumption of the irrational behavior of consumers (animal spirits), and the homogeneous structure of capital create giant holes in his theory. Unfortunately, many of these crucial snags are overlooked by the mainstream economics establishment in academia, and therefore by our policy makers as well. For decades now, organizations such as the Mises Institute, the Foundation for Economic Education, the Institute for Humane Studies, The Koch Foundation, and many others have worked to expose these fallacies not only in academia, but also to undergraduates, high school students, and the population as a whole. Progress is definitely being made, especially through efforts in new media via Facebook and YouTube targeting our small-attention-span culture.
But, Keynes still reigns supreme—or that’s what one would assume. In reality, that is not true. One huge omission is made to Keynes’ theory when he is cited consciously and subconsciously by congressional leaders, presidents, and central bankers: the importance of balancing deficit and surplus spending over the business cycle, and establishing a monetary policy that coincides with that goal.
Keynes made it very clear that while deficit spending could be used to combat a recession and help bring the economy back to natural output, government surpluses were necessary during economic booms to fund that deficit spending. This would ultimately lead to a fluctuation between deficits and surpluses from year to year, but over the entire business cycle would lead to a balanced budget and prevent the accumulation of massive sovereign debt. This of course is assuming the budget is balanced in respect to tax revenue, social programs, and defense spending in the absence of the need for economic stimulus. Since fiscal and monetary policies go hand in hand, the central bank must follow suit by cutting interest rates in times of recession and raising them again in times of expansion to smooth out the harmful effects of the business cycle.
What we see in reality is a complete deviation from this theory.
Looking back in history, we have seen the federal government consistently run larger and larger deficits while maintaining a fairly predictable easy credit monetary policy. This completely disregards Keynes’ call for monetary retraction and budget surpluses during expansionary periods. Honestly, I don’t find it surprising that this distortion has occurred. When you give the government the power and justification (legitimized by academia) to spend other people’s money with the guise of ensuring economic stability, they will do so without restraint. There always seems to be some need for fiscal and monetary stimulus, both in relatively prosperous economic times and in economic crises. For example, after the Dot-com bubble burst at the turn of the century, the Federal Reserve lowered interest rates to 1%. President Bush passed tax cuts that were supposed to act as fiscal stimulus as well. As the years went on, the stock market started to boom, and housing prices shot up, creating the mortgage-backed-security market as well as prevalent house flipping. At this point, Keynes would have called for the brakes to be applied; to take advantage of the new expansion and balance the budget deficit created by the tax cuts, and increase interest rates to pull money out of the system and prevent against inflation. Unfortunately, the brakes were not applied. The bubble finally burst, and recessionary conditions returned. As output fell dramatically and enormous amounts of wealth were erased overnight, the federal government and Federal Reserve acted quickly and took bold action to hopefully ease the effects of the oncoming recession by spending trillions of dollars in the name of stimulus and cutting interest rates even further to practically zero percent.
And the same cycle will continue. National debt just hit $15 trillion. The Fed is now meddling with the long-term bond market to bring long-term yields down because short-term yields can’t go any lower. The constant disrespect for a critical part of Keynes’ theory is fueling this behavior.
So when we cite Keynes as being the source of our absurd economic policies, we need to keep in mind that politicians and central bankers aren’t even adhering to the basic tenants of Keynesianism! I think he is rolling in his grave watching the world completely misinterpret what he was trying to say. I find myself always referring to politicians and central bankers as Keynesians, but in reality, they can’t even get his theory remotely correct.












ss) is disregarded. These people took risks that could have just as easily wiped out their personal assets or got them fired by their organizations. While American workers are vital to the production process, they do not incur as much risk as those at the top (by not spending thousands on college, first and foremost), and therefore are not entitled to as much reward/loss. This system spurs innovation, increased efficiency, and the possibility of achieving what we call “the American Dream”.
You want to build a new highway interchange in a metropolitan area with gridlock problems. This project is contracted at a cost of $200 billion. That means government spending is going to increase by $200 billion. According to GBC, we must finance an increase in G. We have 3 options: